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Friday, September 13, 2019

Dissent in JD(S): Party loyalists openly lash out against ex CM Kumaraswamy

Politics
JD(S) MLAs SR Srinivas and GT Devegowda are among those who have openly voiced their anger against Kumaraswamy.
Dissent is brewing within the JD(S) in Karnataka with another party loyalist turning against the top brass. On Thursday, JD(S) MLA from Tumakuru’s Gubbi – SR Srinivas, lashed out against former Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy alleging that phones of several legislators, including his were tapped. Known as a JD(S) loyalist and ardent follower of party supremo HD Deve Gowda, SR Srinivas, told the media on Thursday that there would be nothing wrong in sending Kumaraswamy to jail if he had ordered officials to tap phones of legislators during his tenure as the Chief Minister. “If HD Kumaraswamy was involved in phone tapping or involved in earning money through corruption, let him get arrested. There is nothing wrong in that,” Srinivas alleged. “Is there a rule not to arrest Kumaraswamy? I know that telephone conversations were illegally intercepted during his (Kumaraswamy’s) tenure. My phone was also one among those that were tapped,” Srinivas alleged, while adding, “I have knowledge that Kumaraswamy may have suspected that I too was holding talks with BJP leaders in a bid to defect. Whoever has committed a mistake has to be punished mercilessly.” Srinivas said that soon after he learned of the alleged illegal phone tapping, he had changed his number. The legislator also lashed out against Kumaraswamy for not attending the massive rally held in support of Congress leader and former Minister DK Shivakumar on Wednesday in Bengaluru. “If JD(S) leaders truly care about DK Shivakumar’s arrest, why have they not gone to Delhi to meet him? The entire Vokkaliga community came together and protested against his arrest. Why did the Gowda family members not attend?” he questioned, while stating that Kumaraswamy had spoken in support of DK Shivakumar only because he may also face arrest in the alleged phone tapping scandal. Kumaraswamy had on Wednesday stated that he had not been invited for the protest and hence, had stayed away.  JD(S) sources say that Periyapatna MLA Mahadev, Nelamangala MLA Suresh Gowda and Srirangapattana MLA Ravindra Srikantaiah are mulling over defecting to the BJP. With dissent brewing in the party, its leader HD Deve Gowda has once again stated that none of his family members will be given tickets to contest the bye-elections, slated to occur in 17 segments after its legislators resigned.  This is not the first time a JD(S) loyalist has spoken out against the party’s top brass.  For the last couple of months, legislator from Chamundeshwari, GT Deve Gowda has openly expressed his concerns about Kumaraswamy. On Thursday, GT Devegowda also lashed out against Kumaraswamy. “Kumaraswamy gave me the Primary and Secondary Education portfolio despite the fact that I had explicitly told him that I did not want it. He planned to drop me from the cabinet and hand over my responsibilities to Sa Ra Mahesh as Kumaraswamy was hoping for me to fail. But I fulfilled my responsibilities. I am a self-made politician. I don’t need anyone’s backing,” GT Devegowda hit out. Since early August, GT Devegowda has been keeping company with BJP leaders including Mysuru-Kodagu MP Pratap Simha. GTD, as he is popularly known, shot to fame after he defeated former Chief Minister Siddarmaiah from Chamundeshwari constituency in the Assembly Elections in 2018. A popular Vokkaliga leader, GT Devegowda was also seen with Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa on several occasions, leading to speculation that he would join the BJP. Speaking to TNM, GT Devegowda says that he had no plan to quit the JD(S). “I have no plan to quit JD(S) and join BJP. But anything can happen in politics,” he said. JD(S) sources say that Periyapatna MLA Mahadev, Nelamangala MLA Suresh Gowda and Srirangapattana MLA Ravindra Srikantaiah are mulling over defecting to the BJP. With dissent brewing in the party, its leader HD Deve Gowda has once again stated that none of his family members will be given tickets to contest the bye-elections, slated to occur in 17 segments after Congress and JD(S) legislators resigned. 
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Money laundering case: DK Shivakumar to remain in ED custody till September 16

Court
ED's counsel told the court that DK Shivakumar and his family members have 317 bank accounts and that he had siphoned off Rs 200 crore illegally.
A special court in New Delhi extended the Enforcement Directorate’s custody of DK Shivakumar till Monday. The Enforcement Directorate on Friday told the court that they need more time as the questioning was yet to be completed. Assistant Solicitor General KM Nataraj told the court that DK Shivakumar and his family members collectively have 317 bank accounts and accused him of laundering more than Rs 200 crore cash. The ED accused DK Shivakumar and his family members of acquiring assets worth more than Rs 800 crores through tainted money. The Enforcement Directorate had arrested DK Shivakumar on September 3 and the court had granted the agency custody of Shivakumar till September 13. Arguing for Shivakumar, senior advocate and Congress leader Abhishek Manu Singhvi said that Shivakumar must be granted relief on medical grounds and that Shivakumar is suffering from high blood pressure. Singhvi said that Shivakumar had been given active medical assistance and further argued that the ED cannot keep tracing the proceeds of the crime and that the accused being evasive cannot be a legal argument to seek remand. The prosecution, which was represented by Assistant Solicitor General KM Nataraj and Amit Mahajan, the ED’s standing counsel, told the court that Shivakumar was withholding information which is solely in his knowledge. They argued that the ED has gathered a large volume of evidence regarding which the central agency needs to question him further.  ED’s counsel informed the court that Shivakumar needed to be questioned regarding the statements made by the other accused in the alleged money laundering case. The court noted that the ED had not yet filed objections to Shivakumar’s bail plea. The court extended Shivakumar’s custody till Monday and instructed ED to file objections after he will be produced in court on Monday. DK Shivakumar’s daughter Aisshwarya was questioned by the ED on Thursday for 7 hours. Aisshwarya was questioned regarding several of her business transactions in Singapore and India. The ED also questioned her regarding her investment in a green energy company in Kolar and how she had increased her assets from Rs 1.08 crore to Rs 108 crore in a span of five years.    
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Banglori Dakhni: How a language associated with Hyderabad thrives in Bengaluru too

Linguistics
Dakhni is not central to local identity in Bengaluru the way it is in Hyderabad, but it is still a fixture of everyday life in the city’s linguistic landscape.
Dakhni, a non-literary Indo Aryan language usually seen as “Southern Urdu”, is spoken across the entire Deccan and beyond, and is primarily associated with the city of Hyderabad. However, the language is widely spoken across Namma Bengaluru as well, even if it isn’t necessarily part of most portrayals or depictions of the city, or even popular local consciousness. While around half of what can roughly be called Hyderabad’s core city (i.e. Hyderabad district) speaks Dakhni natively as per Census data (at 43.5%), non-native speakers use the language as a lingua franca as well, forming a cornerstone of local Hyderabadi identity. In highlighting the language’s ties to Hyderabad, however, there is a tendency to view Dakhni as having a unique base in the city. In doing so, Dakhni’s other major urban varieties, varieties with their own urban presence, history, and patterns of usage, are overlooked. Dakhni’s urban presence in Bengaluru Hundreds of kilometres from Hyderabad lies the Deccan’s largest urban centre - Bengaluru, the capital of Karnataka. 12% of the city identified as Urdu speaking in the 2011 Census, and the Urdu most speak is a local variety of Dakhni, often called Banglori Urdu. Banglori Urdu differs significantly from the variant popularised through Hyderabadi media and pop culture. Dakhni is not central to local identity in Bengaluru the way it is in Hyderabad, nor does it serve the role of lingua franca throughout the city, but it is still a fixture of everyday life and has a prominent place in the city’s linguistic landscape. Bengaluru’s Cantonment, originally a military township established by the British in 1806, has an especially large concentration of Dakhni speakers, a presence that dates back to the early days of the Cantonment itself. In fact, the township was long referred to by its own name in local Dakhni - lashker, or “army camp”, a literal translation of the word “cantonment”, a name still used by many older speakers. Both Dakhni and Tamil are the most common languages spoken in the Cantonment, with Dakhni especially prominent in the Cantonment’s many bazaars. The “Hindi” many local Tamil speakers know and use is often essentially the Dakhni of their neighbours, picked up just from living in the Cantonment. Dakhni is also spoken in South Bengaluru, by communities who live alongside Kannada speakers. In this part of the city, the language is primarily only used by its native speakers, since Kannada functions as a lingua franca. Many of these families trace their roots back to across erstwhile Mysore State, from Chikmagalur to Davangere, and their speech is influenced by Kannada. Dakhni’s demographic presence here is quite limited in comparison to in the Cantonment. Famous Kannada poet KS Nissar Ahmed, RJ Danish Sait, and singer Lucky Ali are some well-known speakers of Bengaluru Dakhni. Sait’s popular series of prank calls features many sketches in what is essentially thick Bengaluru Dakhni. Image credit: Professor Walter Hakala of SUNY Buffalo Interestingly, Bengaluru’s urban landscape also features a handful of Urdu inscriptions, some with a noticeably Dakhni touch. The 19th century Tawakkal Mastan dargah in Chickpet, for example, one of the city’s oldest dargahs, features a slab with an Urdu inscription recording the death of one Murad Bibi. The inscription features the word form ku instead of Standard Urdu ko, a distinctively Dakhni trait found in both Dakhni classical poetry as well as the speech of modern speakers. Some features of Banglori Dakhni Varieties of Dakhni maintain a high level of mutual intelligibility across the wide geographic distribution of the language, and this applies to basic vocabulary, grammar, prosody, pronunciation, and more. Distinctively Dakhni features - ones that set it apart from north Indian Urdu - are generally common across these varieties too: function words like ku, the -ān plural marker, the usage of nako for negation, framing reported speech with kate, the pronunciation of Arabic and Persian q as kh, and more, feature across the Deccan. That said, regional dialects can be quite distinct. A characteristic feature of Banglori Dakhni is the high frequency of the word particle so, used at the end of sentences. The word is meaningless by itself and is primarily used to add emphasis. Another feature, this one clearly an influence from local languages, is the usage of mā and bā as an expression of familiarity which can also intensify a command or question. The dialect also features distinctive word forms like manje corresponding to Standard Urdu mujhe, as well as tumnā and āpe corresponding to Standard Urdu tumko and āp. Dakhni’s linguistic diversity is, to a large extent, influenced by the different languages its speakers are surrounded by, languages part of their daily social environment. In Bengaluru, these languages are, as we’ve seen, Tamil in the Cantonment, Kannada elsewhere. These languages have also influenced the prosody of local Dakhni, lending it a certain rhythm and cadence. This adds a fascinating extra layer to Dakhni’s existing linguistic variation, as exploring its dialects necessarily involves looking deeper into each speaker community’s own language contact dynamics with its neighbours. Dakhni’s prestige in Bengaluru All Dakhni speaking communities across the Deccan are characterised by their usage of Standard Urdu, based on north Indian literary varieties, as their written and formal language. This binds them to the larger Urdu literary sphere and its developments, centered firmly in far off north India. In addition to not being a lingua franca in the city, Dakhni in Bengaluru also lacks the prestige it does in Hyderabad, something that has a direct, conspicuous effect on the way Dakhni speakers choose to use their language in public. Urdu was a key element in the formation of Hyderabad’s urban culture and Dakhni became central to the city’s very identity; the language never played play a similar role in Bengaluru’s own development. Speakers in Bengaluru often choose to moderate the “thickness” of their Dakhni, adapting it to a form closer to Standard Urdu while interacting with people from other communities, often subconsciously. This is especially pronounced in commercial interactions with north Indian speakers of Hindi, where Dakhni speakers accommodate their speech variety to be more intelligible. In many ways, this serves to further reduce the presence of Dakhni in the city, diminishing its visibility while reinforcing the common assumption that Dakhni is “just broken Urdu”. This is in stark contrast to the situation in Hyderabad, where Dakhni is used freely in public, even among non-native speakers; Standard Urdu is only resorted to when the other party doesn’t understand uniquely Dakhni word forms and sentence patterns. In the Cantonment however, with its distinct settlement history and demographics, Dakhni can be widely heard in public communication, and the language enjoys a higher level of prestige. Speakers in the Cantonment do not see as much need to adapt to Standard Urdu in public communication as elsewhere in the city, and Dakhni, even its thicker versions, can easily be heard. Unfortunately, speakers of Banglori Urdu are often ridiculed by speakers of Hyderabadi Urdu for the many characteristically Bangalori features of their Dakhni, a good example of how linguistic hierarchies of prestige can - and do - exist even within non-literary languages. Institutional support for Dakhni in Bengaluru In addition to its presence in the city, Dakhni also enjoys support from various local institutions. While admittedly, most of them primarily focus on the growth and study of Standard Urdu, they also do their part for Dakhni. One institution is the Karnataka Urdu Academy, whose mandate includes the promotion of Dakhni Urdu. The Academy gives cultural events featuring Dakhni some backing. The Academy also publishes Standard Urdu and Kannada editions of classical Dakhni literature to bring these works to a wider audience. Notable among these is the Kannada translation of Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur’s Dakhni masterpiece, Kitāb-e-Nauras. Another important institution is Bangalore University. Its Department of Urdu has been carrying out important research on Dakhni, most notably under its former Head of Department Professor MN Sayeed, a prominent scholar of Dakhni who personally initiated many students - many of whom are now professors of Urdu specialising in Dakhni in their own right - into the field of Dakhni research. Classical Dakhni literature is even taught in the University’s MA Urdu course. Prof Sayeed, now retired, also runs his own dedicated centre for Dakhni research, the Centre for Daccani Studies. Even now, at the age of 79, he continues to do important research on classical Dakhni poetry. In associating Dakhni with Hyderabad, a lot of the valuable work and research being done on the language in Bengaluru at these institutions and more, particularly relating to developments in Karnataka, is overlooked. Dakhni as part of Bengaluru’s urban fabric It’s easy to forget that south India’s cultural diversity - and by extension, its linguistic diversity - applies to its urban centres as well. Most residents of Bengaluru know of the city’s multilingualism, as a city with a shared Kannada, Tamil, Telugu, and Urdu heritage; Bengaluru’s multilingualism is an integral part of their lived experience in the city. However, in defining local Dakhni in relation to Standard Urdu, the unique features that make the Bengaluru dialect what it is as well, as its own history, are ignored. This is even if they know of Hyderabadi Urdu and acknowledge it as distinct from Standard Urdu. Appreciating Bengaluru’s variant of Dakhni for its place in the city’s urban fabric, for its history in the city, and its patterns of usage, can offer Bengalureans deeper insights into their own city’s rich diversity, how the city - especially the Cantonment - developed over the centuries, and how different communities navigate communication in Bengaluru. Doing so can also help Bengalureans develop a broader awareness of their own city and the various facets of its very identity. Plus, as translation efforts have shown us, understanding modern Dakhni can serve as a link to understanding the courtly Dakhni poetic tradition of the Deccan Sultanates better. Karthik Malli is a Bengaluru-based communications professional with a keen interest in language, history, and travel. He tweets at @SandalBurn, and posts on Indian languages at @TianChengWen.
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Do ‘no auto zones’ in Bengaluru make sense?

Transport
Auto drivers and passengers alike complain that no auto zones in the city pose an inconvenience.
Representational Image
At Bengaluru’s Anil Kumble Circle, autorickshaws are not allowed to take a right to MG Road, where a metro station is situated just 450 metres away. A little way down, autos are not allowed to go into Church Street either, which is home to several restaurants and retail outlets with a lot of customer footfall. Similarly, even Commercial Street, which is frequented by thousands of customers daily, is prohibited for autos. These are a few of the seven roads in the city which are ‘no auto zones’. And auto drivers are unhappy. These roads do not have restrictions for passenger vehicles – so why are we alone stopped from accessing them, ask the city’s auto drivers. Traffic officials say that the no auto zones are created to ensure smooth flow of traffic. The police and concerned authorities have powers to restrict certain vehicles in a specified area or on a specified road under The Motor Vehicles Act (1988), Section 115. Experts say no auto zones are necessary for citizens to enjoy public spaces, saying that there is no inconvenience to the public as autos are available a short distance from these zones. “Cubbon Park area is restricted because the pollution has to be kept low. In Church Street and Commercial Street, the width of the road is very tight, if autos were allowed people moving around and shopping will not have any space, they should be able to enjoy these spaces. Autos are available in 50-100 metres,” explains Sanjeev Dyamannavar, urban mobility expert. However, auto drivers say that such rules are discriminatory – especially when they have to compete with taxis, who face no such restrictions. Speaking to TNM, auto driver Mohammed Hussain says, “These roads are located in places where people gather a lot. If these restrictions are removed, customers can be dropped exactly where they need to go. Old people and families can get from one place to another easily.” He also adds that the rule makes customers opt for cabs as they don’t have such restrictions, causing loss of business for auto drivers. Srinivas, secretary of the Auto Rickshaw Driver’s Union (ARDU) south Bengaluru, says, “The ride-sharing apps charge customers cancellation fees, we don’t do that. Cabs charge commission in addition to the meter fare, we charge by the kilometre.” “With this meagre amount we can’t even get any medical help when needed, can’t enrol our kids in a good school/college, and the fines add up on top of this. My income is not even Rs 1,000 per month. Inflation in education and housing is already suffocating us. Don’t hurt our chances, let us earn. Every rupee matters,” says Haribabu, another auto driver. Many passengers, too, say they would prefer that these roads are opened up for autos. Megha, a frequent autorickshaw commuter, says, “We have so many problems due to these no-auto roads. As it is not possible to go by auto to the exact point, we end up walking so much. Cost is also more when we take a longer route. Auto drivers are also suffering because of this problem.” She hopes that there will be a solution to the problem soon. Talking about the no auto zones, Bengaluru Joint Commissioner of Police (Traffic) Ravikanthe Gowda says, “The zones are not created to inconvenience auto drivers, they are for the convenience of the public. They are there to provide smooth passage to traffic.” When asked if there was any possibility of doing away with these zones, the Commissioner says, “These roads are more clogged and the density of traffic is only increasing, therefore there is no going back on this.”
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Yediyurappa announces Kempegowda statue near Bengaluru International Airport

Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa also announced Rs 100 crore will be sanctioned to the Kempegowda Development Authority.
Karnataka Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa on Friday announced that a massive statue of Bengaluru founder Kempegowda will be constructed near the city's international airport. Kempegowda, a 16th century ruler in the Vijayanagara Empire, founded Bengaluru city. The international airport and the major bus and metro station in Majestic is named after him. He is seen as an icon of the Vokkaliga community. Alongside Lingayats, Vokkaligas are a dominant community living in Karnataka. The move is seen as an attempt to pacify members of the Vokkaliga community, who took to the streets on Wednesday protesting against the arrest of Congress leader DK Shivakumar.  On Wednesday, more than 15,000 Vokkaliga community members took to the streets of Bengaluru in protest against the arrest of DK Shivakumar, a popular Vokkaliga community leader from the Congress. Read: 'Don't misuse caste': BJP on Vokkaliga community protest against DK Shivakumar arrest "The Karnataka government has decided to immortalise Kempegowda's name. The Kempegowda Development Authority had remained as an announcement and the previous governments did not give anything for this but our government has decided to restructure it and provide Rs 100 crore", Chief Minister BS Yediyurappa wrote in a note that was published in leading Kannada newspapers. The note goes on to say, "In addition to this, the government has decided to install a huge statue of Kempegowda in front of Kempegowda International Airport." "Rs 5 crore was already sanctioned to the BBMP and now an additional provision of Rs 100 crore has been sanctioned for various works related to Kempegowda announced by the government. In the coming days, the funds will be used to take up these works," an official from the office of Deputy Chief Minister Ashwath Narayan told TNM. The statue will also be a point where travellers can learn about the contributions of Kempegowda to the city.  A sound and light show will depict Kempegowda the founder and builder of Bengaluru while literature will be published in Kannada and English highlighting his contribution to the city. A blueprint will also be prepared to develop memorials at Avati, Magadi Fort, Yelahanka, Savanurdurga, Huttaridurga and Shivaganga, where he is believed to have spent his last days. 
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PM Modi's presence at ISRO brought 'bad luck': HD Kumaraswamy on Chandrayaan-2 mission

Controversy
Prime Minister Narendra Modi was present at the ISRO centre in Bengaluru on the day Vikram Lander was scheduled to make a soft landing on the moon.
Former Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy has landed in controversy for suggesting that Prime Minister Modi brought 'bad luck' to the scientists of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO) when he arrived in Bengaluru to witness the scheduled soft landing of Chandrayaan-2's moon lander Vikram. "He came here (Bengaluru) to advertise that he is responsible for the success of Chandrayaan. Once he set foot in ISRO centre, I don't know if it turned into bad luck for scientists," said HD Kumaraswamy, speaking in Mysuru. On September 7, when the Vikram Lander was scheduled to make a soft landing on the moon, Prime Minister Modi was present at the ISRO Tracking Center in Bengaluru.    Kumaraswamy said, "Scientists have toiled for 10-12 years. It (the moon mission) was approved by the cabinet in 2008-09 and funds were released the same year. Modi came here to claim that he was behind the launch of Chandrayaan-2," he said.  He further added, "Chief Minister (Yediyurappa), a Deputy Chief Minister and 2-3 Union Ministers accompanied him but he asked them to leave the place, telling them there was no need to be there. This is the condition of the government serving our people.” Minutes before the soft landing of the Vikram Lander on the lunar surface, it lost communication with the ISRO ground station on earth. While ISRO chief had on September 7 said the lander was 2.1 km from the moon’s surface, reports emerged that the lander may have gotten as close as 400m when it lost communication with the station. The Chandrayaan-2 orbiter, meanwhile, continues to circle the moon and study its surface. The orbiter has captured the location of the Vikram lander on the moon’s surface and has sent home pictures, ISRO has said.
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A fight for minimum wages: K'taka garment workers rekindle 18-month protest

Protest
Hundreds of garment workers turned up at the office of the Department of Labour on Bannerghatta Road in Bengaluru, seeking a revision of minimum wages.
Padma's daily routine involves checking and packaging T-shirts and trousers that are exported from India to places as far as Germany and China. "We divide the clothes by country and then check it for tears while packaging," says Padma, who works at a garment factory in Srirangapatna. But on Thursday, she set aside her daily work to travel by bus to Bengaluru to participate in a protest organised by other garment workers like her. "The bus to get to Bengaluru costs Rs 200 and I will lose my wages for the day for applying for a leave from work but I had no choice but to be here and make my voice heard," she says, defiantly.  Padma is among hundreds of garment workers, most of whom are women, who turned up at the office of the Department of Labour on Bannerghatta Road in Bengaluru, seeking a revision of minimum wages for garment workers. The protest was organised by the Garment and Textile Workers Union (GATWU) and workers from Bengaluru and its neighbouring areas like Srirangapatna, KR Pete and Maddur took part in it.  Padma, a garment worker from Srirangapatna Bengaluru has over 1,200 garment factories and employs around 4.5 lakh workers, most of whom have migrated from rural areas around Bengaluru. More recently, migrant workers from eastern and central India have also turned up to work in the garment factories in the city. The clothes manufactured in these factories and in the ones across the state are exported internationally.  The garment workers stitch, package garments of major brands, including H&M, Jockey and Raymond, but none of the companies have come forward to resolve the issue over the workers' minimum wages, according to Umesh NL, General Secretary, GATWU.  "73 out of 76 categories of unskilled workers in Karnataka receive monthly wages of Rs 11,500 but in Bengaluru, garment workers are paid only around Rs, 7500 (unskilled workers) to Rs 8,500 (skilled workers)," explains Umesh.  The Minimum Wages Act, 1948, mandates that wages should be revised by state governments every three to five years but workers in the garment industry of Karnataka argue that their wages have not been revised for over six years now and were revised only four times in the past 44 years.  In February 2018, the Karnataka government issued a notification recommending that all unskilled workers be paid Rs 11,587 per month as minimum wages and Rs 14,000 for skilled workers. This represented a 35-40% hike from the current wages of around Rs 8,500. The workers argue that the notification was rolled back due to pressure from lobbyists favouring garment manufacturing companies. RTI documents revealed that around the time the notification was issued, a representation was made by three companies – Shahi Exporters, Gokuldas Exporters and Himmath Singhka Seide Limited. In a letter addressed to the Secretary, Department of Labour, a representative of Himmath Singhka Seide Limited wrote –  "We are adversely affected by the abnormal increase in the minimum wages to an extent of 50% increase in wage bill in the case of highly skilled workers and 18% in the case of semi-skilled workers. Minimum wages in Karnataka was comparable with neighbouring states before the proposed increase. Hence, there was no need for the hike in minimum wages for this industry".   The letter further stated that the textile industry was experiencing a 'slowdown' and also suggested that the company may relocate its business to one of Karnataka's neighbouring states "which offer better business viability.” Himmath Singhka Seide Limited operates facilities in Doddaballapura and Hassan in Karnataka.  "Three companies wrote to the Department of Labour asking for the wages to be kept to a minimum, citing losses and lack of growth in the sector. These three are big companies and following their request, the notification to revise the minimum wages was withdrawn," a source in the Department of Labour confirmed to TNM. The situation came to a head in July 2019 when a protest broke out at the Himmat Singh Garment Factory in Hassan. The protesters complained that their salaries were not paid and that their supervisors at the factory physically assaulted them over minor issues. The protest was quelled after the police fired gunshots in the air and used tear gas to disperse the crowd. . Read: Protests by Karnataka garment workers against no salary, police lathicharge Today, almost 18 months later, the workers are still fighting for the promised increase in their minimum wages. "The wages are below the minimum wages prescribed in several other sectors and it is being done because big companies are saying that they are suffering losses. Most garment workers in Bengaluru arrive here from nearby rural areas in the hope of earning money," says Umesh.  Workers like Padma depend on the minimum wages she is paid for her work. "We are thinking twice before we buy ration for the house. We are asking not just for an increase in our wages but we should also be paid the revised wages for the last 18 months," says Padma.  The workers challenged the withdrawal of the notification issued by the state government in the Karnataka High Court and on March 29, the High Court passed an order in favour of workers employed in private industries including textiles, dyeing, printing and garments. The court upheld the earlier state government’s notification to increase the minimum wages of the workers and also ordered employers to pay the minimum wages owed to workers along with an interest of  6% per annum retrospectively from the day the revised wages were to be paid. The court also gave the companies six months to implement the order and this period ends on September 29. The court heard an appeal against the order and reserved its judgement.  Weeks after the High Court order was issued in March, garment workers held a march in Bengaluru on Labour Day (May 1) seeking the revision of minimum wages, one they believe is long overdue.  To resolve the issue of minimum wages of garment workers, a tripartite committee comprising labour department officials, textile manufacturers, and garment workers was constituted. This includes companies like Raymonds Limited, Shahi Exporters, and Himmat Singh Seide Limited, who petitioned the state government stating that the increase in minimum wages are untenable. It also includes other major exporters like Gokuldas Exports, and members of the Clothing Manufacturers Association of India and Karnataka Textile Mills Association. The garment workers are represented by GATWU.  A source in the Department of Labour told TNM that a recommendation was made to increase the minimum wages of garment workers by 9-10% however it is yet to be made official. This amounts to an increase in wages by Rs 350, something that the protesting garment workers say is simply not enough. "We will be demanding the increase of wages up to Rs 11,500, as specified in the 2018 notification" says Umesh. The protesting garment workers sent a memorandum addressed to the Chief Minister on Thursday seeking the full promised increase of wages up to Rs. 11,500 per month including retrospective payment for the last 18 months.  Ravikumar, an Assistant Labour Commissioner, in the Department of Labour met the protesting garment workers and accepted the memorandum on behalf of the Department of Labour. "We will send the memorandum to the Chief Minister. There is a tripartite committee discussing this issue and we have taken the recommendations made by the workers. The government may accept or make changes to it,” he said. Garment workers like Padma are not new to protests. Over the last few years, they have sat outside the same Labour Department office protesting Provident Fund (PF) rules, sexual harassment and sometimes for their salaries to be paid to them. Every few weeks, there are strikes organised in Peenya and Bommanahalli areas in the city where garment factories are located. Most of these strikes are related to the payment of minimum wages. "We are not new to this. This is a fight we will continue until we are paid the promised minimum amount," Padma says.
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